Health Systems Research Unit
Findings
Linking
health and environment in Cape Town, South Africa: The view
from local government, July 1998
Research
data is presented according to the predominant themes that emerged during
qualitative analysis. Themes do not represent homogenous viewpoints, but include
both trends and diverging views. These are highlighted by quotations from
interviews to preserve an element of the specific within a necessary degree
of generalisation. Where possible, remarks are made linking the dimensions
of process, actors and context, in recognition that these can make the difference
between effective and ineffective policy choice and implementation (Walt,
1994).
The local government policy
process in Cape Town
Theme 3.1.A:
Perspectives on the nature of policy - flexibility, accountability and consistency
A useful starting point for this examination
of policy making and decision making at local government level is to explore
how local actors understand and use the concept of policy. Widely
diverging perspectives on what constitutes "policy" were elicited,
as encapsulated by the following response:
"What comes to my mind is that obviously
you can define policy differently. There could be, say, political policy,
there could be government policy, there could be statutory policy and you
can go down the line, implementational policy, operational policy. Depends
how you want to define it. Health policy. A definition of policy would be
as soon as there is a specific action that has been agreed by authority, that
becomes policy."
Within the local government context, policy was
felt by both councillors and officials to be a means of providing a broad
framework for consistency of actions and a mechanism of setting parameters
and standards. An oft-cited example of the need for the latter was with respect
to informal trading policy, which is currently inconsistent across the metropole.
At the time of interview this was a political hotspot, obtaining much media
coverage amidst accusations made by street traders of unwarranted local authority
interference with entrepreneurial activity and counter accusations by formal
traders that MLCs were not doing enough to protect the business of legitimate
rate-paying traders. Citing the informal trading example indicates a recognition
by officials of the immediacy of policy as a means of dealing with potentially
sensitive issues with political ramifications both for councillors, who have
to take ultimate responsibility for policies, and for service providers, who
have the responsibility of implementing policies. There was a feeling that
while policy should allow for some flexibility, it should also provide for
a minimum level of uniformity across the metropole, particularly with regard
to issues such as air or water pollution which cut across the boundaries of
the Metropolitan Local Councils.
While policy was seen as a guide or framework
for decision making. Different measures were perceived as necessary for issues
in which strict enforcement is required:
"One of our functions is to actually
provide policy and guidelines. Now if you are talking policy and guidelines,
that's all it is. There's nothing anyone can force you to do, it's merely
a policy
we try to subscribe, but it's obviously therefore better
to have it in legislation."
A related point for emphasis was that development
of effective policy would require political will and broad buy-in. Clearly
policies which are inconsistent in either content or application have the
potential to create conflict between stakeholders.
Both bureaucrats and councillors perceived policy
as a way to promote transparency and accountability to the public. Thus, in
the words of two officials:
"I think its also a part of transparency.
The public can then know generally what the framework for decision making
is with their local authority. I believe its absolutely essential."
and
"I think the objective of the policy
is obviously, it's there to help us, it's there to help the community, that
people know there are certain parameters that are being kept, certain standards
that are being expected."
However, not all respondents viewed the development
of environmental or environmental health policy as a priority. Given the need
to move rapidly to redress inequalities in municipal service allocation, one
senior official noted that the development of indicators to measure performance
of local government was a more pressing concern.
Although mostly seen as an essential tool, discussion
centred around the need for a "subtle balance" between practical
versus ideal policy. Thus:
"
it has to be practical. If it's
not practical it'll lie on the shelf and there're many, many examples of
that in this metropolitan area.
And it's that subtle balance, you
have to take into account what the resource constraints are ... if you're
not realistic, then don't waste your time and effort and consume valuable
resources trying to do it."
An opposing view stressed that "unrealistic"
policy could be a powerful tool to lever for more resources, but for this
to happen, meaningful community buy-in for the policy would be needed in order
to apply the necessary exogenous pressure. This is a good example of the complex
non-linear nature of policy-making, with policy in this case being deliberately
used to garner resources. The example indicates that planners are well aware
of the profoundly political nature of the policy-making process and the fact
that policy needs to be adapted to available resources or be capable of generating
further resources.
The determining influence of the power base of
actors involved in the policy process was raised in the context of development
of environmental health policy for the Western Cape province. Because of the
greater environmental health resources at local government level, any policy
developed, noted a provincial government respondent, would most likely be
in favour of local government, with little reflection of broader provincial
interests.
Located within the context of uncertainty as
to the respective roles of different local government structures, it is not
surprising that the need for policy to provide clarity on different roles
and procedures was highlighted. Moreover, responses indicated that policy
should serve to focus attention on specific issues, help to achieve consensus,
and assist in dealing with sensitive issues - thus policy should be facilitative
and play a role in conflict resolution. The function of policy was also brought
down to the concrete level of service delivery:
"Policy formulation should enable service
delivery to take place a lot quicker and hopefully be far more effective."
In addition to these high expectations of the
ability of policy to facilitate action, the study also revealed differing
degrees of familiarity with "policy speak". As respondents ranged
from planners with decades of policy experience to new entrants to local government
with much experience of activism but little knowledge as yet of the peculiarities
of the local government policy arena, this is to be expected and resulted
in an interesting and illuminating diversity of views.
Theme 3.1.B:
The policy development process - institutional memory, discretion and participation
This section explores respondents
views on the policy development process, including how policy development
has changed under the new dispensation; the participation of different stakeholders
in the process and constraints to local government policy development.
Past practices:
Within a context of wide-ranging
conceptions of policy and differing degrees of familiarity with policy level
actions, officials and councillors had clear, although in some cases contrasting,
views on how policy should not be developed. In recognition of the
new orientation of local government, discussion around policy development
tended to contrast past practices with the (currently perceived) ideal. Thus
in the past, policies were seen to have been developed in isolation, which
led to lack of policy integration and to inconsistency both within structures
and across the metropole:
"So you get a policy on this and a policy
on that, but you get no integration, no relationship. They are developed
on an ad hoc basis."
A related point is that policies were developed
in a reactive rather than proactive mode:
"But there are two things there. I mean,
the one is an historic thing where policies came about at a council level
as a reactive thing, like the Second Dwelling Policy or Wendy House Policy
or anything like that. But, I mean what were talking now is a proactive,
almost like a mission driven set of things. Which is relatively new."
Respondents with much experience in local government
noted the lack of a filing system for policies in the past. This meant that
in many cases policies only existed in the memory of an individual and there
was no reference system for checking even for the existence of a policy, let
alone for an implementation strategy.
"There was no policy file kept so we
have no means of finding out what policies we actually have, except in terms
of peoples active memories. Policy management has been very poorly
handled."
Policy development in
the new dispensation:
Looking into the future, officials
and councillors felt that new policies needed to be adaptive rather than prescriptive,
and should allow for creativity within a certain framework:
"Policy needs to be adaptive, to give
you a framework. We need flexible policy that can be adapted to local conditions."
Related to the need for policy to be practical,
non-linear policy making processes were felt to be a means to achieve this:
"It should be incremental and one should
get into the cyclic rather than the linear approach to policy formulation
and be realistic."
"Policies that you develop have got to
be realistic, based on reality. I think this is what is quite interesting
about this new concept in local planning - your integrated development frameworks
- along with the plan has got to go budget, the plan has to be reflected
in the budget or the budget has got to be reflected in the plan. And I think
that in South Africa today it is critical. There's no point coming up with
pie in the sky. You have to say: what can I realistically achieve?"
Public Participation
in policy development - a means of reducing discretion?
While the notion of participation
is further discussed in a later section of this report, there was stated agreement
on the need for wide-ranging public participation during policy development.
Detailed responses, however, revealed fundamental differences in views on
the way in which policy should be developed to achieve this. These ranged
from supporting a bottom-up approach to support for a somewhat
more top-down approach where officials proposed first developing
a pro-forma policy and then distributing that for public comment. An
example of an unsatisfactory practice, cited by a provincial government representative,
centred around the non-participatory development of environmental health policy
for the Western Cape province. A Strategic Management Team of senior officials
had been given an extremely limited time to compile a policy, with no input
from the public or from councillors. The process had become stalled as the
document had been sent back to the regions for amendment.
Another response proposed a different starting
point for policy formulation:
"The practice and knowledge around these
things must be drawn from those who have the experience. Around that particular
question of differential standards in the city, surely you draw on those
environmental health officers that have been working in low income areas,
in particular in Langa and Gugulethu ... and come together and ask ''What
is your practice that should inform policy?'. Surely you need to say, what
is the practice that informs what should become the policy in that instant,
and start from that point
"
What we are perhaps seeing here is a tension
between the technocratic approach to policy making, which emphasises
the input of skilled professionals, and a more inclusive approach, which acknowledges
the value of wide participation, including representatives of civil society.
This leads one to the question of exactly what is meant, at particular times
and within particular contexts, by community or public participation in policy
development? There was agreement among councillors representing disadvantaged
areas and an NGO representative that policy development in the past had not
involved the public in any meaningful way. Despite this acknowledged shortcoming,
development of the metro environmental policy, currently ongoing, was largely
instigated by The Green Coalition, an umbrella grouping of environment / development
NGOs, and their working group, the Coalition for Sustainable Cities, through
lobbying and engagement with local government
Apart from inertia to change, an additional reason
for failing to embrace public participation in policy making was suggested
by an experienced official:
"Now, obviously, if you have policy frameworks
that are publicly developed and bought into and endorsed and then there
is some form of public monitoring of those policies, and there is a lot
of communication around them, that reduces discretion on the part of councillors,
and it reduces discretion on the part of officials
. It removes their
personal power base where they can allocate favours to constituents; and
they are very opposed to having a policy that is publicly endorsed."
Flexibility of policy was an issue raised a number
of times, as policies that were perceived to reduce discretion too much may
be resisted, both by officials and politicians:
"So weve got lots and lots of jolly
nice looking policies but, you must also understand that councillors dont
like policies, and often senior managers dont like policies either,
because it reduces their flexibility. They dont like plans and they
dont like any kind of framework that says this is what you will
do."
It must, however, be noted that not one of the
councillors interviewed expressed this reported dislike for policy, with all
emphasising the desirability of policy as a means to promote accountability.
Nevertheless, the recent case of councillors allegedly bypassing council housing
waiting lists to allocate housing to the friends and family of prominent gangsters,
contrary to council policy, may reflect an attempt by councillors to use their
position to allocate favours. This is by means a phenomenon unique
to Cape Town or to developing countries: senators and house representatives
in the United States are often assessed by their ability to direct public
investment into their state through what have become known as pork barrel
policies. This study suggests that the public have a role both in developing
policy and in ensuring adherence to these policies by government officials.
Reducing the discretion of policy makers to take arbitrary decisions may be
an important aspect of public accountability.
Collaboration across
sectors and levels of government:
A major question raised was how
to bring about the required degree of cross-sectoral and vertical coordination
and collaboration required for policy making around cross-cutting environmental
and environmental health issues. A critical factor in environmental policy
making is early buy-in from the line departments responsible in particular
for service delivery. Issues of coordination appeared to be a pressing and
general problem, and reference is made to these throughout this paper.
Significantly, it was felt that the capacity
building opportunities of policymaking processes should be harnessed. An example
provided was the need for the CMC, as the metro-scale structure with better
resources than the MLCs, to play a capacity building role during current development
of an environmental management policy for the CMA.
Issues were raised around the level at which
policy formulation should take place. Within the localised context of the
CMA, most respondents agreed that the Cape Metropolitan Council had a role
to play in the collaborative formulation of metro level policy. However, Local
Councils would need to develop specific policy for local conditions. One dissenting
view, expressed by a provincial government representative, was that because
primary responsibility for local government lies with the MLCs, primary policy
should emanate from these structures. Additional comments on this subject
are made in the section on relations between different spheres of government.
A fundamental issue within the restructuring
context was whether the restructuring process will ensure that the most effective
structures for environmental policy making and implementation are put in place.
As opposed to the metro-level environmental policy process in Durban, structure
has preceded function in the CMA. Middle-level officials expressed concern
that despite representations to council and to senior officials, recommendations
regarding an appropriate structure to facilitate an overarching and integrated
approach to environmental management had not been taken up. A number of reasons
were postulated for this reluctance: senior management may be "protecting
their own turf" and not wanting an overarching structure to interfere
with their autonomy; the lack of extra staff or funding; and environmental
management not being seen as a priority, possibly because of the failure to
see environmental issues as including the "brown" and health issues.
The formalisation of structures in advance of decisions on function may impede
policy development by creating barriers to cross-sectoral policy inputs
Constraints to policy
development:
A number of constraints to policy
development were noted. Firstly, there was a perceived need for policy to
be based on information which, certainly in the case of routine environmental
health information, is currently not seen as particularly useful or reliable.
Although local authorities collect environmental health information on a regular
basis, policy generated at a national level is reportedly not informed by
this information, but rather depends on the particular agendas of policy makers.
A second major constraint, in the dynamic South
African policy environment, is the lack of coordination and consistency across
the multitude of policies currently under development. Thirdly, officials,
within the context of recent restructuring, noted lack of capability, experience,
resources and time as constraining factors to co-ordination. The need to develop
the capacity of service providers and their institutions to manage effectively
was highlighted. In the first instance, there is little experience of cooperative
governance in local government structures:
"...so we are trying to call on an institutional
memory thats non-existent. Over and above that, you are then asking
for co-operative governance in the absence of a cooperative framework. ....
places severe constraints on local government ........ no development framework,
local government has an underdeveloped development agenda. "
Secondly, in addition to unsupportive administration
systems, one councillor suggested the need for programmes of re-orientation
and training to change the ethos of the public service in general:
"You have to run a program that will
change the culture of working within the public sector. Its a very
laid back culture. You join the public service and you dont have to
work too hard, you dont need to be very competitive. We in council
have decided not to encourage people or to give them the opportunity to
develop their capacity to deliver better service.
.and so hopefully
the man is working, that is good enough. We dont encourage and yet
we want a competitive service. How can that guy compete with the private
sector if we dont give him enough skills?"
Third, financial limitations, resulting in inability
to fill vacant posts and contributing to demoralisation of staff, and a politically
fraught context mean that local authorities will require creative mechanisms
to fulfil their increased role: "you have to create a way of working
asking local authorities with less resources for more responsibilities."
In some cases critical posts, such as those to carry out intersectoral collaboration
functions in the provincial government health department, are the ones to
be unfilled - perhaps indicating that this function is not seen as a priority.
Collaborative policy making was seen by one respondent
as a means of ameliorating these constraints:
"I think that under the circumstances
and given the constraints, we need to come together in a think-tank framework
and apply ourselves on the basis of that, as to how we establish roles and
responsibilities on a collaborative basis, using our collective knowledge
"
and
"
local authorities have no institutional
memory to draw on. You can't call on the past and ask how it was done in
the past
There isn't an experience of collaboration, there isn't an
experience of doing it for less, let alone experience of having done it
before."
Finally, respondents were also in agreement that
past policy making ventures had allocated inadequate thought to implementation
mechanisms:
"And also what happens is everyone is
locked into this mission statement in the beginning, everybody's got a mission
statement and the policy is drawn up but they're not actually carried through
to implementation. In other words, they're actually fuzzy policies."
Policy development and implementation are often
in practice difficult to separate. A certain amount of overlap with the following
section is therefore an unavoidable mirror of reality.
Theme 3.1.C:
Problems with policy implementation - 'n boer maak 'n plan
Policy implementation can clearly
be a complex process, involving multiple players at different levels of government
and in civil society. It goes without saying that many policies, however well
intentioned, are not implemented, only partially implemented or implemented
only for a short time. Several examples of failed implementation were raised
in this study, including the former Cape Town City Council's Environmental
Policy and policies on informal trading. Sabatier et al (1979 p484) have identified
a number of steps which, if followed, should be sufficient for policy implementation.
These are listed below.
Conditions for effective
policy implementation:
- The programme is based on a sound theory relating
changes in target group behaviour to the achievement of the desired end-state
(objectives).
- The statute (or other basic policy decision)
contains unambiguous policy directives and structures the implementation
process so as to maximise the likelihood that target groups will perform
as desired.
- The leaders of the implementing agencies possess
substantial managerial and political skill and are committed to statutory
goals.
- The programme is actively supported by organised
constituency groups and by a few key legislators (or the chief executive)
throughout the implementation process, with the courts being neutral or
supportive.
- The relative priority of statutory objectives
is not significantly undermined over time by the emergence of conflicting
public policies or by changes in relevant socioeconomic conditions that
undermine the statutes technical theory or political support.
This study did not examine in detail the stages
of implementation for policies within local government structures. One respondent,
however, described the process as follows:
'It's not that because you now have a new policy
you need to change the organisation to enable the implementation of that policy.
Particularly with regard to planning, it's a sieve process you would actually
go through. It means that the applications you are receiving need to be in
conformity generally with the policy. So, where you didn't have that sieve
to push the application through, you now have a sieve and the staff who were
processing those applications were informed and brought up to speed with the
policy and applied it accordingly.'
The process, as described, has a number of components:
a mechanism to assess the conformity of projects, applications or activities
with existing policy; the resources to enable this mechanism; training of
staff to apply or implement the mechanism; and informing the public of the
new procedure. Planners across departments at the local, metropolitan and
provincial levels and local councillors expressed a range of concerns regarding
these different stages of implementation. For the purposes of discussion,
these responses have been grouped into those relating to the context in which
policy implementation occurs; those relating to the input of the major actors
and those relating to the process of implementation itself.
The Context
Within South Africa there
are obvious conflicts between policies which attempt to protect or enhance
environmental health, redressing past inequalities and promote sustainable
development, and the need to rapidly create jobs and provide services to previously
disadvantaged groups. Respondents in this study commented that it is difficult
for local government to apply or enforce certain policies if these are seen
to negatively impact on development and jobs, as one respondent summarised,
'
the enforcement will always be weak, because the economic forces are
stronger'. This may be a particular problem with policies which have long
term environmental health benefits, but are seen to restrict development in
the short term. The question which then arises is how policy-makers strike
a balance between the long and short term benefits and disbenefits, be they
health, economic or political.
As Sabatier et al (1979) noted, policy makers
have only modest control over their policy environment and policy issues are
often highly interrelated. Actors in other sectors, such as economic planning,
and contextual factors may have more influence on environment and health policies,
albeit indirectly, than policy makers in environment or health departments.
In this regard, Sabatier et al (1979 p500) note that It is in responding
to such changes that support for a particular program from key legislators,
organised constituency groups, and implementing officials become crucial.
If they are sensitive to the effects that changes in seemingly tangential
policies and in technical assumptions can have on their program,
they can take steps to see that these repercussions are addressed in any new
legislation [or programme].
Another contextual issue impeding the implementation
of policy is the process of local authority restructuring. A number of respondents
commented that the focus of local authorities since the transition had been
on restructuring and that policy implementation and service delivery had taken
second place. This is explored in more detail in the section on restructuring
which follows.
Interestingly, although financial constraints
were seen to impede policy implementation, policies were also viewed as a
'mechanism' of generating funds.
'
by putting those regulations in place
you actually provide the impetus to generate that capacity. When it becomes
obligatory on someone, even the state, they tend to make a plan. "
'N boer maak 'n plan, you know. You develop that capacity. So I think that
the idea is to put these [regulations] in place to drive the authorities,
the consultants, the private companies to create the capacity to deal with
it."
It is conceivable that policies could be strategically
developed at local, provincial or national level with the intention of driving
budget allocations in a particular direction. Respondents suggested that policy
embedded in legislation is a more powerful tool for garnering resources than
policy which exists only as guidelines.
The Actors
Many interventions that improve
environmental health are very broad and require co-ordination between and
within departments for successful implementation. Housing is a good example,
requiring input from planning, engineers and health departments at the very
least. Walt (1996) has argued that policies which involve multiple actors
with differing agendas and organisation of work are more difficult to implement
than those which are operationalised through one department only. This view
was supported by respondents in the study, one of whom described how cross-cutting
structures were rejected by senior management. This is further discussed in
the section on intersectoral collaboration. Another respondent described some
of the problems experienced in establishing a cross-cutting structure for
environmental management:
"I know the previous council tried it
[an integrated management system for environmental issues]. They formed
at a political level an ad hoc Committee on the Environment. They
took all the standing committees and each one had to give a representative.
But if there was a housing project, this environmental committee said 'Hang
on, hang on, this is impacting on the environment', and then the conflict
immediately started. So it's a very difficult thing to deal with, to manage."
The respondents in this interview proposed that
a co-ordinating group for environmental management be established to resolve
differences in approach across departments and that the group reports directly
to a senior level in council. By structuring reporting and accountability
in this way, rather than to a particular department, the group might be seen
as independent or neutral. It is possible that such a structure might assist
in the implementation of multisectoral policies. However, having said that,
it should be pointed out that attempts by the Office for Reconstruction and
Development (within the Office of the Deputy President) to co-ordinate other
departments in implementing the Reconstruction and Development Programme do
not appear to have had much success. It is clearly important that the lead
implementing agency possess sufficient political, managerial and financial
clout to drive co-ordination or that incentives exist to encourage
interdepartmental collaboration on cross-cutting issues. This is further discussed
in the recommendations.
The Process
Ensuring that policies are designed
to include mechanisms for implementation was another issue raised by respondents:
"It's all right to build a policy framework
and say in such and such a situation we shall do this, but unless you actually
build in place the mechanisms, and the mechanisms may be a simple management
structure, a particular public process creating expectation which then holds
bureaucrats and councillors to account, empowering an external group to
conduct monitoring and putting in place training."
"The policy is fine but should not remain
just a piece of paper. We need to attach a programme to that to ensure that
it will be implemented in the process."
The necessity of equipping relevant officials
to implement policy effectively was highlighted as a critical factor. An example
provided was the failure to train Environmental Health Officers to implement
the no-smoking policy developed by the former Cape Town City Council:
"I think its a question of when
we developed a policy we should have looked at equipping the environmental
health people to use it as well, so that when it was official and they actually
became part of it and had to go and speak to people, that they were equipped
and felt comfortable to go and do it. But I think there was a fear initially
that this is something new that we havent been doing, what if they
ask me this
Youre talking of a situation of confronting a guy
in a restaurant after hes had half a bottle of wine . ."
These views seem to indicate that not enough
attention is being paid to developing implementation plans with clear objectives
and indicators for new policies. These may be very simple plans, such as the
introduction of a new data collection item, or much more complex initiatives
involving several departments for infrastructure delivery. These problems
are by no means unique to local government in Cape
Town or South Africa. As outlined above, a carefully
thought through plan is a crucial component of policy implementation in most
settings. This needs to include an assessment of the importance of different
actors in the implementation process and the incentives and disincentives
for these actors, which might include different local authority departments
or structures of civil society, to become involved and take ownership of the
policy being implemented.
Summary of key findings on the
local government environment and health policy process in Cape Town: |
| A |
Policy, as understood by the
respondents in this study, has a number of functions. These include
setting standards and ensuring a minimum level of uniformity in implementation;
providing a framework for action and for dealing with potentially sensitive
issues; and promoting the transparency and accountability of service providers.
In general, respondents appeared to have high expectations of the ability
of 'policy' to influence the actions of environment and health departments. |
| B |
Environment and health departments
at the local government level are engaged in a number of policy development
and implementation processes. While, in the past, policies were
inconsistent, adhoc, reactive and often impractical, officials felt that,
under the new dispensation, policies needed to be realistic, adaptable
and linked to budgets. it was also noted that policy could be used
to bargain for more resources, particularly where these policies were
formalised in law and therefore required enforcement. |
| C |
There was agreement on the need
for wide-ranging public participation in policy development but councillors
and officials differed with regard to how this could be achieved and the
extent to which participation in policy making had been bradened to date.
Public participation in, and awareness of, policies was also seen to be
a method of enforcing the accountability of councillors and officials
by reducing their discretion to take arbitrary decisions. |
| D |
A number of constraints to policy
development were identified, including inadequate environmental and health
data; lack of co-ordination and consistency between policies under development;
inadequate attention to implementation mechanisms and lack of capacity
amongst officials. |
|